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A Review of Judith Miller's “God Has Ninety-Nine Names: Reporting From a Militant Middle East” 阿審查朱迪思米勒的“上帝九十九名稱：報告從一個激進的中東”

The Nation民族 , August 12/19, 1996 8月12/19，1996

Judith Miller is a New York Times reporter much in evidence on talk shows and seminars on the Middle East.米勒是紐約時報記者在許多證據談話節目和研討會，就中東。 She trades in “the Islamic threat” — her particular mission has been to advance the millennial thesis that militant Islam is a danger to the West.她行業在“伊斯蘭威脅” - 她的特殊使命，是要推動千年論斷好戰伊斯蘭是一個危險的西方。 The search for a post-Soviet foreign devil has come to rest, as it did beginning in the eighth century for European Christendom, on Islam, a religion whose physical proximity and unstilled challenge to the West seem as diabolical and violent now as they did then.在搜索後，蘇聯洋鬼子來了休息，因為它沒有在公元8世紀開始，歐洲基督教，伊斯蘭教，宗教，其物理上的鄰近和unstilled挑戰，以西方看起來就像現在的兇殘和暴力，他們沒有那麼。 Never mind that most Islamic countries today are too poverty-stricken, tyrannical and hopelessly inept militarily as well as scientifically to be much of a threat to anyone except their own citizens; and never mind that the most powerful of them — like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan and Pakistan — are totally within the US orbit.沒關係，大多數伊斯蘭國家今天太貧困，絕望和無能的殘暴軍事以及科學目標有很大的威脅任何人，除非他們自己的公民，永遠記住，他們最強大的 - 像沙特，埃及，約旦和巴基斯坦 - 完全在美國的軌道。 What matters to “experts” like Miller, Samuel Huntington, Martin Kramer, Bernard Lewis, Daniel Pipes, Steven Emerson and Barry Rubin, plus a whole battery of Israeli academics, is to make sure that the “threat” is kept before our eyes, the better to excoriate Islam for terror, despotism and violence, while assuring themselves profitable consultancies, frequent TV appearances and book contracts.哪些事項“專家”像米勒塞繆爾亨廷頓，馬丁克雷默，伯納德劉易斯，丹尼爾管，史蒂芬埃默森和巴里魯賓，再加上整個電池以色列學者，是要確保“威脅論”是不斷在我們眼前，更好地苛責伊斯蘭恐怖，專制和暴力，同時確保自己有利可圖的顧問，經常上電視和圖書合同。 The Islamic threat is made to seem disproportionately fearsome, lending support to the thesis (which is an interesting parallel to anti-Semitic paranoia) that there is a worldwide conspiracy behind every explosion.伊斯蘭威脅作出顯得不成比例的可怕，貸款支持的論文（這是一個有趣的平行反猶太偏執），有陰謀的背後是一個全球每發生爆炸。

Political Islam has generally been a failure wherever it has tried to take state power.政治伊斯蘭一般是一個失敗的地方它曾試圖採取國家權力。 Iran is a possible exception, but neither Sudan, already an Islamic state, nor Algeria, riven by the contest between Islamic groups and a brutal soldiery, has done anything but make itself poorer and more marginal on the world stage.伊朗是一個可能的例外，但既不蘇丹，已經是一個伊斯蘭國家，也不阿爾及利亞，四分五裂的爭奪伊斯蘭團體和殘酷的軍人，沒有做任何事情，但使自己更加貧窮和邊際在世界舞台上。 Lurking beneath the discourse of Islamic peril in the West is, however, some measure of truth, which is that appeals to Islam among Muslims have fueled resistance (in the style of what Eric Hobsbawm has called primitive, pre-industrial rebellion) to the Pax Americana-Israelica throughout the Middle East.下面潛伏著危險的話語伊斯蘭在西方然而，一些措施的真理，那就是呼籲伊斯蘭穆斯林之間已經引起電阻（在什麼樣的風格霍布斯鮑姆呼籲原始的，前工業叛亂）到大同美洲- Israelica整個中東地區。 Yet neither Hezbollah nor Hamas has presented a serious obstacle to the ongoing steamroller of the anything-but-peace process.然而，無論哈馬斯還是真主黨已經提出了一個嚴重的障礙正在壓路機的東西，但是和平進程。 Most Arab Muslims today are too discouraged and humiliated, and also too anesthetized by uncertainty and their incompetent and crude dictatorships, to support anything like a vast Islamic campaign against the West.大多數阿拉伯穆斯林今天太灰心和羞辱，也太不確定性和麻醉無能和原油獨裁統治，支持東西就像一個龐大的伊斯蘭運動對西方。 Besides, the elites are for the most part in cahoots with the regimes, supporting martial law and other extralegal measures against “extremists.” So why, then, the accents of alarm and fear in most discussions of Islam?此外，精英們大部分在合謀與政權，支持戒嚴法和其他法外措施對“極端主義分子。”那麼為什麼，那時，口音報警和恐懼中的大多數討論對伊斯蘭教的？ Of course there have been suicide bombings and outrageous acts of terrorism, but have they accomplished anything except to strengthen the hand of Israel and the United States and their client regimes in the Muslim world?當然也有自殺爆炸和殘暴的恐怖主義行為，但他們有什麼成就，除了加強手以色列和美國的附庸政權和在穆斯林世界？

The answer, I think, is that books like Miller's are symptomatic because they are weapons in the contest to subordinate, beat down, compel and defeat any Arab or Muslim resistance to US-Israeli dominance.答案，我認為這是米勒的書籍一樣的症狀是因為他們的武器在比賽服從，擊敗，迫使和挫敗任何阿拉伯或穆斯林抵抗美國和以色列的統治地位。 Moreover, by surreptitiously justifying a policy of single-minded obduracy that links Islamism to a strategically important, oil-rich part of the world, the anti-Islam campaign virtually eliminates the possibility of equal dialogue between Islam and the Arabs, and the West or Israel.此外，通過暗中的政策辯護，一心一意頑固伊斯蘭教聯繫起來，以一個具有重要戰略意義，石油資源豐富的世界的一部分，反伊斯蘭運動幾乎消除了平等對話的可能性伊斯蘭教與阿拉伯人，和西方或以色列。 To demonize and dehumanize a whole culture on the ground that it is (in Lewis's sneering phrase) enraged at modernity is to turn Muslims into the objects of a therapeutic, punitive attention.要妖魔化和非人化的整體文化，理由是這是（在劉易斯的譏笑短語）在現代激怒穆斯林將是把對象的治療，懲罰性的關注。 I do not want to be misunderstood here: The manipulation of Islam, or for that matter我不想被誤解的位置：伊斯蘭教的操縱，或就此 Christianity基督教 or Judaism, for retrograde political purposes is catastrophically bad and must be opposed, not just in Saudi Arabia, the West Bank and Gaza, Pakistan, Sudan, Algeria and Tunisia but also in Israel, among the right-wing Christians in Lebanon (for whom Miller shows an unseemly sympathy) and wherever theocratic tendencies appear.或猶太教，為政治目的是災難性的倒退壞，必須加以反對，而不僅僅是在沙特阿拉伯，約旦河西岸和加沙地帶，巴基斯坦，蘇丹，阿爾及利亞和突尼斯，但也發生在以色列，在右翼基督徒，黎巴嫩（為誰米勒給出了一個不適當的同情）和神權政治傾向的情況下出現。 And I do not at all believe that all the ills of Muslim countries are due to Zionism and imperialism.而且我完全不相信，所有穆斯林國家的弊病是由於猶太复國主義和帝國主義。 But this is very far from saying that Israel and the United States, and their intellectual flacks, have not played a combative, even incendiary role in stigmatizing and heaping invidious abuse on an abstraction called “Islam,” deliberately in order to stir up feelings of anger and fear about Islam among Americans and Europeans, who are also enjoined to see in Israel a secular, liberal alternative.但這是從很遠的說，以色列和美國，他們的智力和宣傳員，並沒有打好鬥，even燃燒作用誣衊和heaping令人厭惡的濫用 on一抽象called“伊斯蘭教，”故意以激起feelings的憤怒和恐懼對伊斯蘭教美國人和歐洲人，誰也責成看到以色列一個世俗的，自由選擇。 Miller says unctuously at the beginning of her book that right-wing Judaism in Israel is “the subject of another book.” It is actually very much part of the book that she has written, except that she has willfully suppressed it in order to go after “Islam.”米勒說假惺惺在開始她的書，右翼猶太教在以色列是“主題的另一本書。”這其實是非常的一部分，她寫的書，但她有故意壓制它，以便去在“伊斯蘭”。

Writing about any other part of the world, Miller would be considered woefully unqualified.寫作的任何其他部分的世界，米勒將被視為不合格可悲。 She tells us that she has been involved with the Middle East for twenty-five years, yet she has little knowledge of either Arabic or Persian.她告訴我們，她已經參與了中東 25年，但她卻沒有多少知識或阿拉伯語或波斯語。 It would be impossible to be taken seriously as a reporter or expert on Russia, France, Germany or Latin America, perhaps even China or Japan, without knowing the requisite languages, but for “Islam,” linguistic knowledge is unnecessary since what one is dealing with is considered to be a psychological deformation, not a “real” culture or religion.這將是不可能得到認真對待作為記者或專家對俄羅斯，法國，德國或拉丁美洲，甚至中國和日本，不知道所需的語言，但對“伊斯蘭”，語言知識是不必要的，因為一個是什麼處理與被認為是心理變形，而不是一個“真正的”文化或宗教。

What of her political and historical information?她什麼樣的政治和歷史信息？ Each of the ten country chapters (Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Sudan) begins with an anecdote and moves immediately to a potted每個章節的10個國家（埃及，沙特阿拉伯，蘇丹），並開始與軼事立即行動盆栽 history歷史 that reflects not much more than the work of a name-dropping college sophomore.反映並不比工作的一個名稱，下降大學二年級。 Cobbled up out of various, not always reliable authorities (her pages of footnotes are tainted by her ignorance, whether because she can only cite the sources she already knows she wants in English, or because she quotes only authorities whose views correspond to hers, thereby closing out an entire library by Muslims, Arabs and non-Orientalist scholars), these histories are meant principally to display her command of the material, but actually expose her lamentable prejudices and failures of comprehension.鵝卵石鋪就了出多方面的，並不總是可靠的機關（她頁腳註充斥著她的無知，是否因為她只能舉出的來源，她已經知道她要在英國，或者是因為她的報價只有當局對她的看法一致，從而關閉了整個圖書館的穆斯林，阿拉伯人和非東方學者），這些歷史是為了顯示她的主要指揮的物質，但實際上暴露她的可悲的偏見和失敗的理解。 In the Saudi Arabia chapter, for instance, she informs us in a note that her “favorite” source on the Prophet Mohammed is the French Orientalist Maxime Rodinson, a redoubtable Marxist scholar whose biography of the Prophet is written with a bracing combination of anti-clerical irony and enormous erudition.在沙特阿拉伯章，例如，她告訴我們，一看到她的“最愛”來源先知穆罕默德是法國東方馬克西姆羅丁森，一個可怕的馬克思主義學者的先知的傳記寫的是一個支撐相結合的反具有諷刺意味和巨大的博學文書。 What Miller gets from this in her short summary of Mohammed's life and ideas is that there is something inherently risible, if not contemptible, about the man whom Rodinson says was a combination of Charlemagne and米勒得到什麼，她從這個簡短的摘要穆罕默德的生活和思想是有本質上是可笑的，如果不是卑鄙，該名男子是誰羅丁森說，查理曼和組合 Jesus耶穌 Christ; for whereas Rodinson understands what that means, Miller tells us (irrelevantly) that she is not convinced.基督的，而羅丁森明白這意味著什麼，米勒告訴我們（毫無來由），她是不相信。 For her, Mohammed is the begetter of an anti-Jewish religion, one laced with violence and paranoia.對她來說，穆罕默德是begetter一個反猶太人的宗教，一個股價與暴力和偏執。 She does not directly quote one Muslim source on Mohammed; just imagine a book published in the United States on Jesus or Moses that makes no use of a single Christian or Judaic authority.她不直接引用來源之一穆罕默德穆斯林，只需想像一本書在美國出版的關於耶穌或摩西並沒有使用一個單一的基督教或猶太教的權威。

Most of Miller's book is made up not of argument and ideas but of endless interviews with what seems to be a slew of pathetic, unconvincing, self-serving scoundrels and their occasional critics.大多數米勒的書是由不爭論和想法，但無休止的採訪什麼似乎是一個殺了可憐兮兮的，難以令人信服，自我服務的流氓和他們偶爾批評。 Once past her little histories we are adrift in boring, unstructured meanderings.一旦她的過去的歷史我們是漂泊在枯燥，非結構化 meanderings。 Here's a typical sentence of insubstantial generalization: “And Syrians, mindful of their country's chaotic history” (of what country on earth is this not also true?) “found the prospect of a return to anarchy or yet another prolonged, bloody power struggle — ” (is this uniquely true of Syria as a postcolonial state, or is it true of a hundred others in Asia, Africa, Latin America?) “and perhaps even the triumph of militant Islam in the most secular” (with what thermometer did she get that reading?) “of all Arab states — alarming.” Leave aside the abominable diction and jaw-shattering jargon of the writing.下面是一個典型的一句實質內容的概括：“和敘利亞人，銘記他們的國家混亂的歷史”（對哪個國家在地球上，這何嘗不是如此？）“發現的前景就回到無政府狀態或另一個長期的，血腥的權力鬥爭 - “（這是唯一真正的敘利亞作為一個後殖民狀態，抑或是一個 100人在亞洲，非洲，拉丁美洲？）”的勝利，甚至好戰的伊斯蘭教在最世俗“（與她沒有什麼溫度計得到這樣的閱讀？）“的所有阿拉伯國家 - 令人擔憂。”給擱置可惡文辭和下顎粉碎行話寫作。 What you have is not an idea at all but a series of clich?s mixed with unverifiable assertions that reflect the “thought” of “Syrians” much less than they do Miller's.你有什麼想法，是不是所有，而是一個系列的陳詞濫調？S混合使用無法證實的說法，反映了“思想”的“敘利亞人”遠不如他們做米勒的。

Miller gilds her paper-thin descriptions with the phrase “my friend,” which she uses to convince her reader that she really knows the people and consequently what she is talking about.米勒吉爾茲她紙一樣薄的描述改為“我的朋友，”她用說服她的讀者，她真的知道什麼人，因此她在說什麼。 I counted 247 uses of the phrase before I stopped about halfway through the book.我數 247使用了短語之前，我停了一半的書。 This technique produces extraordinary distortions in the form of long digressions that testify to an Islamic mindset, even as they obscure or ignore more or at least equally relevant material like local politics, the functioning of secular institutions and the active intellectual contest taking place between Islamists and nationalist opponents.這種技術產生非常扭曲的形式長期離題，見證一個伊斯蘭的心態，即使他們掩蓋或忽略或至少同樣多的有關材料如地方政治，世俗的運作機構和正在發生積極的智力競賽和伊斯蘭教徒之間民族主義的反對者。 She seems never to have heard of Arkoun, or Jabri, or Tarabishi, or Adonis, or Hanafi or Djeit, whose theses are hotly debated all over the Islamic world.她似乎從來沒有聽說過 Arkoun，或的Jabri，或Tarabishi，或阿多尼斯，或哈納菲或Djeit，其論文是激烈辯論都在伊斯蘭世界。

This appalling failure of analysis is especially true in the chapter on Israel (mistitled, since it is all about Palestine), where she ignores the changes caused by the intifada and the prolonged effect of the three-decade Israeli occupation, and conveys no sense of the abominations wrought on the lives of ordinary Palestinians by the Oslo accords and Yasir Arafat's one-man rule.這駭人聽聞的故障分析，尤其在本章關於以色列（mistitled，因為它是所有關於巴勒斯坦），她忽略了變化所造成的起義和長期影響的三個十年，以色列的佔領，並沒有任何意義的傳達的惡劣行為造成的生命普通巴勒斯坦人的奧斯陸協定和亞西爾阿拉法特的一人統治。 Although Miller is obsessed with Hamas, she is clearly unable to connect it with the sorry state of affairs in territories run brutally by Israel for all these years.雖然米勒是痴迷與哈馬斯，她顯然是無法連接它與對不起國家的領土內的事務由以色列殘酷運行所有這些年。 She never mentions, for instance, that the only Palestinian university not established with Palestinian funds is Gaza's Islamic (Hamas) University, started by Israel to undermine the PLO during the intifada.她從來沒有提及，例如，巴勒斯坦大學的唯一尚未建立基金的加沙與巴勒斯坦的伊斯蘭（哈馬斯）大學，開始由以色列破壞巴解組織在起義。 She records Mohammed's depredations against the Jews but has little to say about Israeli beliefs, statements and laws against “non-Jews,” often rabbinically sanctioned practices of deportation, killing, house demolition, land confiscation, annexation and what Sara Roy has called systematic economic de-development.她記錄穆罕默德掠奪反對猶太人，但很少提及以色列的信仰，言論和法律對“非猶太人”，通常rabbinically制裁的做法被驅逐，殺害，房屋拆遷，土地徵用，兼併，什麼薩拉羅伊稱為系統的經濟去發展。 If in her breathlessly excitable way Miller sprinkles around a few of these facts, nowhere does she accord them the weight and influence as causes of Islamist passion that they undoubtedly have.如果她氣喘吁籲地興奮地灑了幾米勒這些事實，沒有任何一個地方，她給予他們的重量和影響力，導致伊斯蘭的激情，但是他們無疑。

Maddeningly, she informs us of everyone's religion — such and so is Christian, or Muslim Sunni, Muslim Shiite, etc. Even so, she is not always accurate, managing to produce some howlers.令人惱火，她告訴我們每個人的宗教 - 基督教是這樣的，所以，還是遜尼派穆斯林，什葉派穆斯林等即便如此，她並不總是準確，管理產生一些howlers。 She speaks of Hisham Sharabi as a friend but misidentifies him as a Christian; he is Sunni Muslim.她談到希沙姆Sharabi作為一個朋友，但錯認他作為一個基督徒，他是遜尼派穆斯林。 Badr el Haj is described as Muslim whereas he is Maronite Christian.巴德爾哈吉被稱為穆斯林，而他是基督教馬龍派。 These lapses wouldn't be so bad were she not bent on revealing her intimacy with so many people.這些失誤也不會如此糟糕，她執意不透露她的親密有這麼多人。 And then there is her bad faith in not identifying her own religious background or political predilections.然後還有就是她在沒有查明惡意她自己的宗教背景或政治偏好。 Are we meant to assume that her religion (which I don't think is Islam or Hinduism) is irrelevant?我們是否意味著假設她的宗教（我不認為是伊斯蘭教或印度教）是無關緊要的？

She is embarrassingly forthcoming, however, about her reactions to people and power and certain events.她是即將舉行的尷尬，但是，人們對她的反應和電力和某些事件。 She is “grief-stricken” when King Hussein of Jordan is diagnosed with cancer, although she scarcely seems to mind that he runs a police state whose many victims have been tortured, unfairly imprisoned, done away with.她是“悲痛”當約旦國王侯賽因被診斷患有癌症，但她幾乎沒有想到，他似乎運行一個警察國家的許多受害者被折磨，不公平的監禁，完全沒有了。 One realizes of course that what counts here is her hobnobbing with the little King, but some accurate sense of the “modern” kingdom he rules would have been in order.當然，一個實現了什麼，關鍵是與她過從甚密的小景，但一些準確意義上的“現代”的王國，他的規則將在秩序。 Her eyes “filled with tears — of rage” as she espies evidence of desecration of a Lebanese Christian mosaic, but she doesn't bother to mention other desecrations in Israel — for example, of Muslim graveyards — and hundreds of exterminated villages in Syria, Lebanon, Palestine.她的眼睛“充滿了淚水 - 憤怒”，因為她espies證據褻瀆黎巴嫩基督教馬賽克，但她並不理會提及其他褻瀆行為在以色列 - 例如，穆斯林墓地 - 和數以百計的村莊消滅在敘利亞，黎巴嫩，巴勒斯坦。 Her real contempt and disdain come out in passages like the following, in which she imputes thoughts and wishes to a middle-class Syrian woman whose daughter has just become an Islamist:她真正的蔑視和不屑出來的通道，像下面，在她責難的想法和願望，以一個中產階級敘利亞女子的女兒剛剛成為伊斯蘭：

She would never have any of the things a middle-class Syrian mother yearned for: no grand wedding party and traditional white dress with diamond tiara for her daughter, no silver-framed photos of the happy wedding couple in tuxedo and bridal gown on the coffee table and fireplace mantel, no belly dancers wriggling on a stage and champagne that flowed till dawn.她將永遠不會有任何東西是中產階級母親敘利亞渴望：沒有盛大的婚禮黨和傳統的白色禮服與鑽石頭飾，她的女兒，沒有銀框的照片幸福婚禮的夫婦在晚禮服和婚紗禮服的咖啡表和壁爐壁爐，沒有肚皮舞者在舞台上扭動和香檳的流淌，直到天亮。 Perhaps Nadine's friends, too, had daughters or sons who had rejected them, who secretly despised them for the compromises they had made to win the favor of Assad's cruel and soulless regime.也許納丁的朋友，也有女兒或兒子誰拒絕了他們，看不起他們誰暗中為他們作出妥協贏得贊成阿薩德政權的殘酷和靈魂。 For if the daughter of such pillars of the Damascene bourgeoisie could succumb to the power of Islam, who was immune?因為如果這樣的支柱女兒的大馬士革資產階級可能屈從於權力的伊斯蘭教，誰是免疫？

Such snide accounts trivialize and cheapen the people whose houses and privacy she has invaded.這種嘲笑輕視和貶低的帳戶人的房屋和隱私，她已經入侵。

Given her willingness to undercut even her friendly sources, the most interesting question about Miller's book is why she wrote it at all.由於她願意削弱甚至她友好的來源，最有趣的問題，米勒的書，所以她寫的。 Certainly not out of affection.當然不是出於感情。 Consider, for instance, that she admits she fears and dislikes Lebanon, hates Syria, laughs at Libya, dismisses Sudan, feels sorry for and a little alarmed by Egypt and is repulsed by Saudi Arabia.考慮，例如，她承認她的恐懼和厭惡黎巴嫩，敘利亞恨，笑在利比亞，蘇丹解僱，感到遺憾和震驚的一點是擊退埃及和沙特阿拉伯。 She is relentlessly concerned only with the dangers of organized Islamic militancy, which I would hazard a guess accounts for less than 5 percent of the billion-strong Islamic world.她無情地只關心與伊斯蘭好戰組織的危險性，我會嘗試揣測佔不到百分之五的10億人的伊斯蘭世界。 She supports the violent suppression of Islamists (but not torture and other “illegal means” used in that suppression; she misses the contradiction in her position), has no qualms about the absence of democratic practices or legal procedures in Palestine, Egypt or Jordan so long as Islamists are the target and, in one especially nauseating scene, she actually participates in the prison interrogation of an alleged Muslim terrorist by Israeli policemen, whose systematic use of torture and other questionable procedures (undercover assassinations, middle-of-the-night arrests, house demolitions) she politely overlooks as she gets to ask the handcuffed man a few questions of her own.她支持伊斯蘭主義者的暴力鎮壓（但不禁止酷刑和其他“非法手段”用在鎮壓，她錯過了矛盾在她的位置），並沒有疑慮的情況下對民主實踐或法律的程序，巴勒斯坦，埃及和約旦等只要伊斯蘭教徒的目標，並在一個特別噁心場面，其實她在監獄中參加審訊的穆斯林恐怖分子被指控以色列警察，他們有系統地使用酷刑和其他問題的程序（臥底暗殺，中間的夜逮捕，拆毀房屋），她禮貌地忽略，因為她要求獲得男子戴上手銬，她自己的幾個問題。

Perhaps Miller's most consistent failing as a journalist is that she only makes connections and offers analyses of matters that suit her thesis about the militant, hateful quality of the Arab world.也許米勒的最穩定的失敗作為一名記者，她是唯一可以連接，並提供分析了適合她的論文事項有關的好戰的，可惡的質量的阿拉伯世界。 I have little quarrel with the general view that the Arab world is in a dreadful state, and have said so repeatedly for the past three decades.我沒有什麼爭吵與一般的看法是，阿拉伯世界是一個可怕的狀態，也曾經多次在過去的30年。 But she barely registers the existence of a determined anti-Arab and anti-Islamic US policy.但她幾乎沒有註冊存在一個確定的反阿拉伯和反伊斯蘭美國的政策。 She plays fast and loose with fact.她扮演的快速和鬆散的事實。 Take Lebanon: She refers to Bashir Gemayel's assassination in 1982 and gives the impression that he was elected by a popular landslide.以黎巴嫩：她指的是巴希爾杰馬耶勒的暗殺於 1982年，給人的印象，他是由人民選舉產生滑坡。 She does not even allude to the fact that he was brought to power while the Israeli army was in West Beirut, just before the Sabra and Shatila camp massacres, and that for years, according to Israeli sources like Uri Lubrani, Gemayel was the Mossad's man in Lebanon.她甚至沒有提及這樣一個事實，他被帶到權力的同時，以色列軍隊在西貝魯特，就在薩布拉和夏蒂拉難民營大屠殺，這幾年，根據以色列方面的消息像烏里盧布拉尼，杰馬耶勒是摩薩德的人在黎巴嫩。 That he was a self-proclaimed killer and a thug is also finessed, as is the fact that Lebanon's current power structure is chock-full of people like Elie Hobeika, who was charged directly for the camp massacres.他是一名自稱是兇手和兇手也巧妙，這也是事實，黎巴嫩目前的權力結構是推滿了人喜歡埃利胡貝卡，誰是直接收取營屠殺。 Miller cites instances of Arab anti-Semitism but doesn't even touch on the matter of Israeli leaders like Begin, Shamir, Eitan and, more recently, Ehud Barak (idolized by Amy Wilentz in The New Yorker) referring to Palestinians as two-legged beasts, grasshoppers, cockroaches and mosquitoes.米勒列舉實例阿拉伯反猶太主義，但甚至沒有觸及問題的以色列領導人喜歡開始，沙米爾，埃坦，最近，埃胡德巴拉克（崇拜的艾米威倫茨在紐約客）指巴勒斯坦人兩條腿野獸，蝗蟲，蟑螂和蚊子。 These leaders have used planes and tanks to treat Palestinians accordingly.這些領導人都用飛機和坦克向巴勒斯坦人相應處理。 As for the facts of Israel's wars against civilians — the protracted, consistent and systematic campaign against prisoners of war and refugee camp dwellers, the village destructions and bombings of hospitals and schools, the deliberate creation of hundreds of thousands of refugees — all these are buried in reams of prattle.至於事實以色列的戰爭中對平民的 - 長期的，一貫的和系統的運動對戰俘和難民營居民，村銷毀和爆炸的醫院和學校，故意製造的數十萬難民 - 所有這些都是埋在里姆斯的閒聊。 Miller disdains facts; she prefers quoting interminable talk as a way of turning Arabs into deserving victims of Israeli terror and US support of it.米勒不屑的事實，她更喜歡引用無休止的談話作為一種值得轉化成受害者阿拉伯人對以色列的恐怖和美國的支持它。 She perfectly exemplifies The New York Times's current Middle East coverage, now at its lowest ebb.她完美地體現了紐約時報的當前中東的報導，現在已經降到了最低。

In her lame conclusion Miller admits that her scolding may have been a little too harsh.在她的跛腳結論米勒承認，她的責罵可能是有點過於苛刻。 She then puts it all down to her “love” of the region and its people.然後，她把一切到她的“愛”的地區和人民。 I cannot honestly think of a thing that she loves: not the conformism of Arab society she talks about, or the ostentatious culinary display she says that the Arabs confuse with hospitality, or the languages she hasn't learned, or the people she makes fun of or the history and culture of a place that to her is one long tale of unintelligible sound and fury.我不能想到一個誠實的事，她喜歡吃的：不是因循守舊的阿拉伯社會，她談到，或炫耀烹飪展示她說，阿拉伯人混淆好客，她的語言或沒有學會，或有趣的人，她讓或的歷史和文化的地方，她是一個很長的故事的聲音和憤怒不懂。 She cannot enter into the life of the place, listen to its conversations directly, read its novels and plays on her own (as opposed to making friends with their authors), enjoy the energy and refinements of its social life or see its landscapes.她不能進入生活的地方，聽它的直接對話，閱讀它的小說和戲劇，她自己（而不是與他們交朋友的作者），享受能源和改進其社會生活，或看到它的景觀。 But this is the price of being a Times reporter in an age of sullen “expertise” and instant position-taking.但是，這是價格被一時報記者在這樣一個時代的憂鬱“專業”和即時定位的。 You wouldn't know from Miller's book that there is any inter-Arab conflict in interpretations and representations of the Middle East and Islam and that, given her choice of sources, she is deeply partisan: an enemy of Arab nationalism, which she declares dead numerous times in the book; a supporter of US policy; and a committed foe of any Palestinian nationalism that doesn't conform to the bantustans being set up according to the Oslo accords.你不會知道從米勒的書，有任何阿拉伯國家間衝突的解釋和陳述，中東和伊斯蘭，而且，給了她選擇的來源，她深感黨派：阿拉伯民族的敵人，她宣布死亡多次在書中，一個對美國政策的支持者，以及一個致力於敵人的任何巴勒斯坦人的民族主義，不符合班圖斯坦正在設立根據奧斯陸協議。 Miller, in short, is a shallow, opinionated journalist whose gigantic book is too long for what it ends up saying, and far too short on reflection, considered analysis, structure and facts.米勒，簡而言之，是一個膚淺，自以為是的記者，其巨大的書是太長最終說什麼，和太短的反思，分析認為，結構和事實。 Poor Muslims and Arabs who may have trusted her; they should have known better than to mistake an insinuated guest for a friend.可憐的穆斯林和阿拉伯人誰可以信任她，他們應該早就知道錯誤的暗示，而不是客人的朋友。