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Excerpted from Madinan Society At the Time of the Prophet , International Islamic Publishing House & IIIT, 1991 Excerpted no Madinan sabiedrības brīdī pareģis, Starptautiskās Islāma Izdevniecība & IIIT, 1991

The date of the campaign Dienas kampaņas

The action against Banu Qurayzah took place at the end of Dhu al Qa'dah and the beginning of Dhu al Hijjah in the fifth year Pret Banu Qurayzah pasākums notika beigās Dhu al Qa'dah un Dhu al Hidžā sākas piektajā gadā ^{1 1} , after the Battle of the Ditch, which took place in Shawwal of the fifth year AH, according to Qatadah, 'Urwah ibn al Zubayr, Ibn Ishaq and Abd al Razzaq. Pēc kaujas no grāvja, kas notika Shawwal piektā gada AH, saskaņā ar Qatadah "Urwah ibn al Zubayr, Ibn Ishaq un Abd al Razaks. ^{2 2} Imam Malik and Musa ibn 'Uqbah suggested that the Battle of the Ditch took place in Shawwal of the fourth year. Imam Malik un Musa ibn "Uqbah ierosināja, ka no grāvja kauja notika Shawwal no ceturtā gada. Ibn Hazm suggested the same. Ibn Hazm ierosināja pats. The three of them drew their conclusion from a No tām trīs vērsa savu secinājumu hadith Hadith of Abd Allah ibn 'Umar which said that the Prophet would not let him fight at the Battle of the Ditch, when he was 15. gada Abd Allah ibn 'Umar, kas teica, ka pareģis nebūtu let viņam cīņa pie kaujas no grāvja, kad viņš bija 15. ^{3 3}

Al Bayhaqi showed that it was possible to reconcile the two suggestions. Al Bayhaqi parādīja, ka ir iespējams samierināt divas ierosinājumus. He said: “In fact, there is no difference between them, because they meant that it took place after four years had passed and before the fifth year was completed.” Al Zuhri declared that the Battle of the Ditch took place two years after Uhud. Viņš teica: "Patiesībā nav starp tiem atšķirības, jo tie nozīmē, ka tas notika pēc četriem gadiem bija pagājuši, un līdz piektajā gadā tika pabeigts" Al Zuhri paziņoja, ka no grāvja kauja notika divus gadus pēc Uhud. . All are agreed that Uhud took place in Shawwal of the third year, except for those who suggested that the hijrah calendar should begin from Muharram of the year following the emigration, and did not take into consideration the months which remained in the year of the hijrah, from Rabi' al Awwal onwards, as al Bayhaqi mentions. Visi ir vienisprātis, ka Uhud notika Shawwal trešajā gadā, izņemot tos, kuri norādīja, ka hijrah kalendārā jāsāk no Muharram, kas seko emigrācija, un neņēma vērā mēnešiem, kas palika gadā hijrah no Rabi "al Awwal gada, kā al Bayhaqi piemin. Yaqub ibn Sufyan al Fasawi suggested that Badr took place in the first year, Uhud in the second year, Badr al Maw?id in Sha?ban of the third year, and the Battle of the Ditch in Shawwal of the fourth year. Yaqub ibn Sufyan al Fasawi ierosināja, ka Badr notika pirmo gadu, Uhud otrajā gadā, Badr al iekšas? ID Sha aizliegums trešo gadu? Un grāvja kaujā Shawwal no ceturtā gada. This contradicts the opinion of the majority of scholars. Tas ir pretrunā ar atzinumu, ko lielākā daļa zinātnieku. It is well known that 'Umar decreed that the hijrah calendar should start from Muharram of the year in which the emigration took place, and according to Malik, that it should start from Rabi' al Awwal of that year. Ir labi zināms, ka "Umar izsludinājusi ka hijrah kalendārā jāsāk no Muharram par gadu, kurā emigrācija notika, un saskaņā ar Malik, ka tai būtu jāsākas no Rabi" al Awwal minētā gada beigām.

There are three opinions, but the opinion of the majority, that Uhud took place in the third year, and that the Battle of the Ditch took place in Shawwal of the fifth year, is authentic. Ir trīs viedokļi, bet lielākā daļa uzskata, ka Uhud notika trešo gadu, un ka grāvja kauja notika Shawwal piektā gada, ir autentisks.

Some of the scholars, including al Bayhaqi, explained the hadith of Ibn 'Umar by saying that at the Battle of Uhud he had only just turned 14, whereas at the Battle of the Ditch he was 15 going on 16. Daži pētnieki, tostarp al Bayhaqi, paskaidroja hadith par Ibn 'Umar, sakot, ka no Uhud kaujā viņš bija tikko ieslēgts 14, tā kā kaujas grāvja viņam bija 15 notiek 16. This is reasonable, because when the Battle of Uhud ended, the two sides agreed to meet at Badr for another battle in the following year (Badr al Mawaid), but it did not happen. Tas ir pamatoti, jo ja Uhud Kaujas beidzās, abas puses vienojās sanāk Badr citu kaujas nākamajā gadā (Badr al Mawaid), taču tā nenotika. Al Bayhaqi said: “It is nonsense to say that they came to besiege Madinah two months later.” Al Bayhaqi teica: "Tas ir absurds teikt, ka viņi atnāca uz apsēst Madinah divus mēnešus vēlāk." ^{4 4}

The reason for the campaign Iemesls kampaņas

The reason for the campaign goes back to Banu Qurayzah's breaking of the treaty between themselves and the Prophet. Kampaņas dēļ iet atpakaļ uz Banu Qurayzah's pārkāpj Līguma starp sevi un pareģis. This has been proved from different reports which, when taken together, could be used as valid evidence. Tas ir pierādīts no dažādiem ziņojumiem, kas, kopā ņemti, var izmantot kā derīgs pierādījums. Huyayy ibn Akhtab al Nadari Huyayy ibn Akhtab al Nadari ^{5 5} incited them to break the treaty at a critical time when the Muslims were being besieged by 10,000 warriors from the various tribes. mudinājusi viņus lauzt līgumu kritiskā brīdī, kad musulmaņi tika besieged ar 10.000 karavīri no dažādām ciltīm. There is a strong report that the Prophet sent al Zubayr ibn al Awwam Pastāv spēcīgs ziņo, ka pareģis sūta al Zubayr ibn al Awwam ^{6 6} to check on Banu Qurayzah, then he sent Sad ibn Mu'adh, Sa'd ibn 'Ubadah, Abd Allah ibn Rawahah and Khawwat ibn Jubayr pārbaudīt Banu Qurayzah, tad viņš sūta Sad ibn Mu'adh, Sa'd ibn 'Ubadah, Abd Allah ibn Rawahah un Khawwat ibn Džubairs ^{7 7} to check whether the rumors about the treachery of Banu Qurayzah were true. pārbaudīt, vai par nodevību no Banu Qurayzah baumas ir taisnība. These four confirmed the rumors, and this news distressed the Muslims. Šīs četras apstiprināja baumas, un šo ziņu noskumuši musulmaņiem.

Ibn Ishaq gave a detailed report — without isnad — of the treachery of Banu Qurayzah and their breaking of the treaty. Ibn Ishaq sniedza detalizētu ziņojumu - bez isnad - par nodevību un Banu Qurayzah un pārkāpj Līguma. Most of the Sirah writers also reported it without isnad Lielākā daļa Sirah rakstnieku ziņoja arī bez isnad ^{8 8} . .

Musa ibn 'Uqbah mentions — also without isnad — that Qurayzah asked Huyayy ibn Akhtab to take 90 men from the nobles of Quraysh and Ghatafan as hostages, so the Quraysh would not leave Madinah before they had destroyed the Muslims. Musa ibn "Uqbah norāda - arī bez isnad - ka Qurayzah uzdotie Huyayy ibn Akhtab veikt 90 vīrieši no Quraysh un Ghatafan muižnieki kā ķīlnieki, tāpēc Quraysh neatstātu Madinah pirms viņi iznīcināja musulmaņi. Huyayy agreed to that, so they announced their breaking of the treaty. Huyayy piekrita, ka, lai viņi paziņoja par to pārkāpj Līguma. ^{9 9}

The Prophet was commanded by God to fight Banu Qurayzah after he returned from the Battle of the Ditch Pravietis ir pavēlējis Dievs, lai cīnītos Banu Qurayzah kad viņš atgriezās no kaujas grāvja ^{10 10} so the Prophet ordered his companions to go to Qurayzah straight away, and tell them that God had sent Jibril to shake their strongholds and strike fear into their hearts tā Pravietis lika viņa companions, lai dotos uz Qurayzah uzreiz, un pateikt viņiem, ka Dievs bija nosūtījusi Jibril lai krata savus cietokšņus un streiku bailes savās sirdīs ^{11 11} , and instructed them that no one was to pray Asr before they reached Banu Qurayzah , Un uzdeva tiem, ka neviens nebija lūgties ASR, pirms tie sasnieguši Banu Qurayzah ^{12 12} . . The time for Asr came, and some were still on their way to Banu Qurayzah, so some of them prayed, and some of them delayed their prayer, but the Prophet did not blame either group, because they had tried their best to understand what he wanted them to do. Laiks ASR ieradās, un daži vēl ceļā uz Banu Qurayzah, tāpēc daži no tiem lūdza, un daži no viņiem aizkavēja viņu lūgšanām, bet Pravietis nav vainīgs, vai nu grupa, jo viņi ir mēģinājuši to labāko, lai saprastu, ko viņš gribēja to darīt. Those who had delayed the Asr prayed it after Isha as Ibn Ishaq explained. Tie, kas bija aizkavējusies ASR lūdza pēc tam, kad Isha kā Ibn Ishaq paskaidrots. ^{13 13}

The scholars reconcile the reports of al Bukhari and Muslim by suggesting the possibility that some of them had already prayed zuhr before the order came, while some had not, so the Prophet ordered those who had not yet prayed not to pray, and ordered those who had already prayed not to pray Asr. Zinātnieki apvienot ziņojumus par al Bukhari un musulmaņu liekot saprast, ka daži no viņiem jau bija lūdzis zuhr pirms rīkojuma nāca, bet daži nebija, tādēļ Pravietis lika tiem, kuri vēl nebija lūdzis ne lūgt, un lika tiem, kas jau bija lūdzis nav lūgties ASR. It is also possible that two groups were sent out separately: the first group was told not to pray Zuhr and the second was told not to pray Asr. Ir arī iespējams, ka abas grupas tika izsūtīti atsevišķi: pirmās grupas bija teicis ne lūgties Zuhr un otrais nebija teicis ne lūgties ASR. ^{14 14 15 15} , 7/408-9 , 7/408-9

The Prophet went out to Banu Qurayzah, and appointed Abd Allah ibn Umm Maktum Pravietis izgāja Banu Qurayzah, un iecēla Abd Allah ibn Umm Maktum ^{16 16} to govern Madinah in his absence. lai reglamentētu Madinah viņa prombūtnes laikā. This report could be accepted even though it has not been proved to be sahih. Šis ziņojums var pieņemt, pat ja tā nav izrādījusies Sahih.

There are many mursal traditions ( athar ) which strengthen one another to the level of hasan li ghayrih , and which say that Ali was sent to carry the flag at the head of the army. Ir daudz mursal tradīcijas (athar), kas stiprina viena otru līdz līmenim Hasan li ghayrih, un kas saka, ka Ali tika nosūtīta, lai izpildītu karoga pie galvas armiju. ^{17 17}

The reports differ as to whether the siege of Banu Qurayzah lasted for a month Ziņojumos atšķiras par to, vai no Banu Qurayzah aplenkums ilga mēnesi ^{18 18} , 25 days , 25 dienas ^{19 19} , 15 days , 15 dienas ^{20 20} or any number of days between 10 and 18 vai jebkuru dienu skaitu no 10 līdz 18 ^{21 21} . . The strongest evidence shows that it was twenty-five days; most of the Maghazi writers favor this version, following Ibn Ishaq. Spēcīgākais pierādījumi liecina, ka tas bija divdesmit piecas dienas, lielākā daļa Maghazi rakstnieki atbalsta šo versiju, pēc Ibn Ishaq. ^{22 22}

The success of the siege and the fate of Banu Qurayzah Aplenkuma panākumi un Qurayzah liktenis Banu

When the siege intensified and became unbearable for Banu Qurayzah, they wanted to surrender and accept whatever judgment the Prophet passed on them. Kad aplenkuma pastiprināta un kļuva nepanesams, lai Banu Qurayzah, viņi gribēja nodot un pieņemt neatkarīgi no sprieduma pareģis tālāk tiem. They consulted Abu Lubabah ibn Abd al Mundhir, one of the companions of the Prophet who was also their ally, and he indicated that if they surrendered, they would be killed. Viņi apspriedās Abu Lubabah ibn Abd al Mundhir, viens no pareģis, kas bija arī viņu sabiedrotais pavadoņiem, un viņš norādīja, ka, ja viņi atteikušies, tie jānonāvē. Abu Lubabah later regretted saying this, and tied himself to one of the pillars in the Prophet's Mosque until his repentance was accepted. Abu Lubabah vēlāk nožēloja sakot to, un saistīts sevi ar uz pareģis's mošeja pīlāri viens, kamēr viņa grēku nožēlošanu bija pieņemts. ^{23 23} Banu Qurayzah agreed to accept the judgment of Sa'd ibn Mu'adh; they thought that he would show mercy to them, because of the alliance between them and his people, al Aws. Banu Qurayzah piekrita pieņemt spriedumu Sa'd ibn Mu'adh, viņi domāja, ka viņš parāda žēlastību tiem, jo alianse starp tiem un viņa cilvēki, al aws.

Sa'd was carried to them, because he had been wounded in the hand by an arrow at the Battle of the Ditch, and was ill. Sa'd veica viņiem, jo viņš bija ievainots rokā ar bultiņas kauja grāvja, un bija slims. He judged that the warriors should be killed, and their wealth shared. Viņš uzskatīja, ka karavīri ir nogalināti, un viņu bagātību dalītas. The Messenger confirmed this and said: “You have judged according to God's judgment.” Messenger apstiprināja un sacīja: "Jums ir atzīti saskaņā ar Dieva spriedumu." ^{24 24} By doing this, Sad ibn Mu'adh disowned his alliance with Banu Qurayzah. To darot, Sad ibn Mu'adh atcēlusi savu aliansi ar Banu Qurayzah. This did not disturb the Aws at all, despite their alliance with Banu Qurayzah and the fact that they had only recently entered Šī netraucēja aws vispār, neskatoties uz to aliansi ar Banu Qurayzah un faktu, ka tie bija tikai nesen uzsākuši Islam Islams . . Their acceptance of this was facilitated by the fact that their leader Sa'd passed judgment on Banu Qurayzah. Savu piekrišanu šīs veicināja to, ka viņu līderis Sa'd nodoti spriedumu Banu Qurayzah. The number of warriors who were executed was 400. No Warriors, kuri bija veikti skaits bija 400. ^{25 25} Three of Banu Qurayzah were spared because they entered Islam Trīs no Banu Qurayzah tika aiztaupīts, jo tie stājās islāmu ^{26 26} and they kept their wealth; three others may have been spared because they were protected by some of the companions because of their loyalty to the treaty during the siege. un viņi tur savu bagātību, trīs citi varētu būt saudzējuši, jo tie tika aizsargāti ar kādu, jo viņu lojalitāti companions uz līguma laikā aplenkuma. There are many reports dealing with this, but they cannot be taken as valid evidence. Ir daudz pārskatus, kas nodarbojas ar šo, bet tās nevar uzskatīt par derīgu pierādījumu. The prisoners were detained in the house of Bint al Harith. Ieslodzīto tika aizturēti mājā Bint al Harith. ^{27 27}

The executions were carried out in the market place in Madinah, where trenches were dug; they were killed in groups and thrown into the trenches. Izpildei tika veikti tirgū, kas Madinah, kur trenches tika zemnīca, viņi tika nogalināti grupās un iemests trenches. ^{28 28} Only one of their women was killed Tikai viens no sievietēm tika nogalināts ^{29 29} ; she had killed one of the companions — Khalid ibn Suwayd — by dropping a millstone on him. ; Viņa bija nogalināts viens no pavadoņiem - Khalid ibn Suwayd - kritienizturības dzirnakmens par viņu.

Boys below the age of puberty were released. Zēni, kas jaunāki par pubertātes tika atbrīvoti. ^{30 30} After the execution of the warriors had been carried out, the Prophet divided their wealth and appointed the women to the custody of the Muslims. Pēc izpildes karavīri tika veikta, Pravietis sadala savu bagātību un ieceļ sievietes uzraudzībā musulmaņiem. ^{31 31} The books of Maghazi give some detail of how the division was carried out, but their reports cannot be taken as valid evidence. Gada Maghazi grāmatu sniegt sīkāk par to, kā nodaļa tika veikta, bet savus ziņojumus nevar uzskatīt par derīgu pierādījumu.

The Messenger chose Rayhanah ibn Khanafah, one of the women prisoners, for himself, according to Ibn Ishaq, Ibn Sa'd and many others. Messenger izvēlējās Rayhanah ibn Khanafah, viena no sievietēm, ieslodzītajiem, par sevi, pēc Ibn Ishaq, Ibn Sa'd un daudzi citi. Al Waqidi and those who followed him said that he married her, but the first suggestion is more likely. Al Waqidi un tie, kas sekoja viņam teica, ka viņš apprecēja viņu, bet pirmais ieteikums ir vairāk iespējama.

Some contemporary historians tend to deny and weaken the reports dealing with the punishment faced by Banu Qurayzah Daži mūsdienu vēsturnieki mēdz noliegt un vājināt ziņojumus, kuros izskatītas sodu, ar ko saskaras Banu Qurayzah ^{32 32} on the basis that proving these reports may hurt humanitarian feelings or serve the interests of Zionist propaganda, but this is not the case. pamatojoties uz šo apliecina šie ziņojumi var radīt kaitējumu humāno izjūtas vai kalpo interesēm cionistu propagandas, taču šis nav tas gadījums. The most authentic Islamic sources prove that it happened. Visvairāk autentisks Islāma avoti liecina, ka tas notika. The severe punishments were only given because of the acts of high treason which Banu Qurayzah committed when they betrayed the Muslims and broke the treaty, instead of participating with them in defending Madinah, in accordance with the treaty between the two sides. Bargi sodi tika sniegta tikai tāpēc, ka par valsts nodevību, kas Banu Qurayzah izdarīts, kad tie nodeva aktu musulmaņiem un lauza līgumu, nevis piedalīties ar tiem, aizstāvot Madinah, saskaņā ar līgumu starp abām pusēm. In this day and age, nations still execute traitors who cooperate with the enemy. Šajā dienā, un vecumu, nācijas joprojām izpildīt nodevējiem, kuri sadarbojas ar ienaidnieku.

The punishment of Banu Qurayzah fitted their crime, because they had exposed the Muslims to the threat of being killed, their wealth to the threat of being seized, and their women and children to the threat of being taken prisoner; therefore, their punishment was a fitting recompense. No Banu Qurayzah uzstādīti noziedzību sods, jo viņi bija pakļauti musulmaņi ar draudiem tikt nogalināti, viņu labklājības draudu tikt konfiscēti, un to sieviešu un bērnu draudi tiek veikti ieslodzītais, tāpēc to sods bija montāžas kompensācija. There is no need to avoid historical facts or to deny authentic reports. Nav nepieciešams, lai izvairītos no vēsturiskiem faktiem vai noliegt autentisks ziņojumus.

1. Ibn Sa'd, al Tabaqat , 3/74; Ibn Hisham, al Sirah , 3/715; Al Tabari, Tarikh al Rusul , 3/593; Ibn Sayyid al Nas, Uyun al Athar , 3/68 [ Ibn Sa'd, al Tabaqat, 3 / 74 Ibn Hisham, al Sirah, 3 / 715, Al Tabari, Tarikh al Rusul, 3 / 593; Ibn Sayyid al Nas, Uyun al Athar, 3 / 68 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
2. Abd al Razzaq, al Musannaf , 5/367; Ibn Hisham, al Sirah , 3/699; al Haythami, Majma' al Zawa'id , 6/143: he attributed it to al Tabarani and said that the men in the isnad are thiqah . Abd al Razaks, al Musannaf, 5 / 367, Ibn Hisham, al Sirah, 3 / 699, Al Haythami, Majma "al Zawa'id, 6 / 143: viņš attiecina to al Tabarani un teica, ka isnad vīriešu ir thiqah. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
3. Al Bukhari, at Sahih , 3/33, 73; see also Malik's suggestion. Al Bukhari pēc Sahih, 3 / 33, 73; skatīt arī Malik ierosinājumu. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
4. Ibn Kathir, al Bidayah , 4/934; and al Sirah at Nabawiyyah , 3/180-1; Ibn Qayyim, Zad al Ma'ad , 388-9; Ibn Hajar, Fath al Bari , 7/393 [ Ibn Kathir, al Bidayah, 4 / 934, un al Sirah pie Nabawiyyah, 3/180-1; Ibn Qayyim, Zad al Ma'ad, 388-9, Ibn Hajar, Fath al Bari, 7 / 393 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
5. Abd al Razzaq reported this from the mursal hadith of Sa'id ibn al Musayyab, which are the most sahih mursal hadith. Abd al Razaks ziņoja šo no mursal hadith par Sa'id ibn al Musayyab, kas ir visvairāk Sahih mursal Hadith. The report is valid as evidence, if there are other reports which support it ( al Musannaf , 5/368-373). Ziņojums ir derīgs kā pierādījumus, ja pastāv citi ziņojumi, kas to atbalsta (al Musannaf, 5/368-373). Abu Nu'aym, from the mursal hadith of Sa'id also (Abu Nu'aym, Dala'il al Nubuwwah , 3/183). Abu Nu'aym, no mursal hadith par Sa'id arī (Abu Nu'aym, Dala'il al Nubuwwah, 3 / 183). [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
6. Al Bukhari, al Sahih , 3/306; Muslim, al Sahih , 7/138 [ Al Bukhari, al Sahih, 3 / 306, musulmaņu, al Sahih, 7 / 138 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
7. Ibn Hisham, al Sirah , 3/706, without isnad. Ibn Hisham, al Sirah, 3 / 706, bez isnad. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
8. Al-Waqidi, al Maghazi , 3/454-9; Al Tabari, Tarikh al Rusul , 3/570-3; Ibn Hazm, Jawami al Sirah , 187-8; Ibn Abd al Barr, al Durar , 181-3; Ibn Sayyid al Nas, Uyun al Athar , 3/59-60; Ibn Kathir, at Bidayah , 3/103-4 [ Al-Waqidi, al Maghazi, 3/454-9, Al Tabari, Tarikh al Rusul, 3/570-3; Ibn Hazm, Jawami al Sirah, 187-8, Ibn Abd al Barr, al Durar, 181-3, Ibn Sayyid al Nas, Uyun al Athar, 3/59-60, Ibn Kathir pēc Bidayah, 3/103-4 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
9. Ibn Kathir, al Bidayah , 3/103-4 [ Ibn Kathir, al Bidayah, 3/103-4 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
10. Al Bukhari, al Sahih , 3/24; Ahmad, al Musnad , 6/56, 131, 280 [ Al Bukhari, al Sahih, 3 / 24 Ahmad, al Musnad, 6 / 56, 131, 280 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
11. Al Bukhari, al Sahih , 3/24; 144 [ Al Bukhari, al Sahih, 3 / 24 144 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
12. Bukhari ( Ibid. , 3/24); Muslim (Muslim, al Sahih , 5/163) say Zuhr. Bukhari (turpat, 3 / 24); musulmaņu (musulmaņu, al Sahih, 5 / 163) teikt Zuhr. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
13. Ibn Hisham, al Sirah , 3/716-7, from the mursal hadith of Ma'bad ibn Ka'b ibn Malik, who is maqbul . Ibn Hisham, al Sirah, 3/716-7 no mursal hadith par Ma'bad ibn Ka'b ibn Malik, kas ir maqbul. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
14. Ibn Hajar, [ Ibn Hajar, [ back atpakaļ ] ]
15. Fath al Bari [ Fath al Bari [ back atpakaļ ] ]
16. Ibn Hisham, al Sirah , 3/716; Ibn Sa'd, al Tabaqat , 3/74 (both without isnad). Ibn Hisham, al Sirah, 3 / 716, Ibn Sa'd, al Tabaqat, 3 / 74 (abas bez isnad). [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
17. Ibn Hisam, al Sirah , 3/716; Ibn Hajar, Fath at Bari , 7/413 [ Ibn Hisam, al Sirah, 3 / 716, Ibn Hajar, Fath uz Bari, 7 / 413 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
18. Tabari, Tarikh al Rusul , 2/583, the narrator himself said that he was unsure as to whether it was a month or 25 days. Tabari, Tarikh al Rusul, 2 / 583, stāstītājs pats teica, ka viņš bija pārliecināts par to, vai tas ir mēnesis vai 25 dienas. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
19. Al Sa'ati, al Fath al Rabbani li Tartib Musnad al Imam Ahmad , 21/81-3. Al Sa'ati, al Fath al Rabbani li Tartib Musnad al Imam Ahmad, 21/81-3. All the narrators are reliable. Visi narrators ir ticami. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
20. Ibn Sa'd, al Tabaqat , 3/74, without isnad. Ibn Sa'd, al Tabaqat, 3 / 74, bez isnad. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
21. Ibn Kathir, al Bidayah , 4/118-9; Ibn Hajar, Fath at Bari , 7/413; mursal from Musa ibn Uqbah from al Zuhri. Ibn Kathir, al Bidayah, 4/118-9; Ibn Hajar, Fath uz Bari, 7 / 413; mursal no Musa ibn Uqbah no al Zuhri. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
22. Tabari, Tarikh al Rusul , 2/583; Ibn Hazm, Jawami al Sirah , 193; Ibn Abd al Barr, al Durar , 189; Ibn Sayyid al Nas, 'Uyun al Athar , 2/69 [ Tabari, Tarikh al Rusul, 2 / 583, Ibn Hazm, Jawami al Sirah, 193; Ibn Abd al Barr, al Durar, 189; Ibn Sayyid al Nas, "Uyun al Athar, 2 / 69 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
23. Al Sa'ati, al Fath al Rabbani, 21/81-3, with a hasan isnad . Al Sa'ati, al Fath al Rabbani, 21/81-3, ar Hasan isnad. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
24. Al Bukhari, al Sahih , 2/210, 3/24-25; Muslim, al Sahih , 5/160-1 [ Al Bukhari, al Sahih, 2 / 210, 3/24-25, musulmaņu, al Sahih, 5/160-1 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
25. Ahmad, al Musnad , 3/350, with a hasan isnad; Ibn Hajar ( Fath al Bari , 7/14) mentioned the differences in their numbers, ranging from 400 to 900, and reconciled the different reports by saying that the increase included the followers of Banu Qurayzah, such as slaves, freedmen, and others. Ahmad, al Musnad, 3 / 350, ar Hasan isnad, Ibn Hajar (Fath al Bari, 7 / 14), minētās atšķirības to numuriem, svārstās no 400 līdz 900, un saskaņot dažādus ziņojumus, sakot, ka pieaugums iekļauts sekotāji Banu Qurayzah, kā vergi, freedmen, un citi. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
26. Al Bukhari, al Sahih , 3/11; Muslim, al Sahih , 5/159. Al Bukhari, al Sahih, 3 / 11 musulmaņu, al Sahih, 5 / 159. The three who entered Islam were: Tha'labah ibn Sa'iyah, Usayd ibn Sa'iyah and Asad ibn 'Ubayd. Trīs kas stājās islams bija: Tha'labah ibn Sa'iyah, Usayd ibn Sa'iyah un Asad ibn "Ubayd. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
27. This is the report of Ibn Ishaq (Ibn Hisham, al Sirah , 3/721). Šis ir ziņojums par Ibn Ishaq (Ibn Hisham, al Sirah, 3 / 721). 'Urwah mentions it was the house of Usamah ibn Zayd. "Urwah piemin tā bija māja Usamah ibn Zayd. The reports can be reconciled by saying that the prisoners were put in two houses because of their great numbers. Ziņojumus var saskaņot, sakot, ka ieslodzītie tika uzdoti divās mājās, jo to lielā skaita. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
28. Ahmad, al Musnad , 3/351; al Tirmidhi, Sunan , 4/144-5 [ Ahmad, al Musnad, 3 / 351, Al Tirmidhi, Sunan, 4/144-5 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
29. Ibn Hisham, al Sirah , 3/722; Ahmad, al Musnad , 6/277; Abu Dawud, al Sunan , 2/150. Ibn Hisham, al Sirah, 3 / 722, Ahmad, al Musnad, 6 / 277, Abu Dawud, al Sunan, 2 / 150. Its isnad is hasan li dhatih . Tā isnad ir Hasan li dhatih. [ [ back atpakaļ ] ]
30. Ibn Hisham, al Sirah , 3/724; Ibn Sa'd, al Tabaqat , 2/72-7 [ Ibn Hisham, al Sirah, 3 / 724, Ibn Sa'd, al Tabaqat, 2/72-7 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
31. Al Bukhari, al Sahih , 3/11; Muslim, al Sahih , 5/159 [ Al Bukhari, al Sahih, 3 / 11 musulmaņu, al Sahih, 5 / 159 [ back atpakaļ ] ]
32. See the research of Dr. Walid Arafat in the papers of the World Sirah Conference in Qatar. Skatīt pētījumu Dr Walid Arafata ir Pasaules Sirah konferences Katara dokumentos. Ed. Ed. note: See the Piezīme: skatīt same paper pats papīrs in The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland , 1976, pp. kas Vēstnesī Karaliskās Āzijas Society Lielbritānijas un Īrijas, 1976, pp. 100-107 [ 100-107 [ back atpakaļ ] ]