The Leg­is­la­tion & The Begin­ning of Jihad

Pro­fes­sor of the His­to­ry of the Sun­nah, Grad­u­ate Depart­ment, Islam­ic Uni­ver­si­ty of Mad­i­nah, Sau­di Ara­bia. Excerpts from Madin­ian Soci­ety At The Time of The Prophet (transl. Huda Khat­tab), Inter­na­tion­al Islam­ic Pub­lish­ing House and The Inter­na­tion­al Insti­tute of Islam­ic Thought, 1991. Com­piled by Adam Rodrigues.

The Leg­is­la­tion of Jihad

Jihad is an Islam­ic legal term mean­ing fight­ing in the way of Allah in order to estab­lish a just sys­tem which upholds the laws of the Shari­ah and seeks to real­ize the aims of Islam on earth. Jihad was not leg­is­lat­ed dur­ing the Makkan peri­od when the Mus­lims were ordered not to oppose the Mushrikun (poly­the­ists or idol­aters) force or to car­ry weapons against them. The guid­ing pol­i­cy among the Mus­lims at that time was :

.…hold back their hands (from fight­ing) and estab­lish­ing reg­u­lar prayers.” (Al Nisa 4:77)

This was the posi­tion tak­en by the Mus­lims when the mis­sions of Islam were still new, like a young plant which need­ed water and nour­ish­ment to estab­lish strong roots and face the ele­ments. If Islam had con­front­ed the Mushrikun by the sword at that time, the Mushrikun would have uproot­ed and destroyed Islam at the out­set. Wis­dom dic­tat­ed that the Mus­lims patient­ly endure the per­se­cu­tion of the Mushrikun, and con­cen­trate their efforts on improv­ing them­selves and increas­ing their faith through acts of wor­ship and strug­gling with their nafs (inner selves), and call­ing oth­ers to Islam in order to increase the num­bers of Muslims.

The Mus­lims were indis­tin­guish­able from the Mushrikun in their every­day life, and there was no sep­a­rate camp which Mus­lims could join on accept­ing Islam even though they used to gath­er in Dar Al Arqam and oth­er places to receive the teach­ings of Islam. If Jihad had been made com­pul­so­ry at that time, there would have been a bat­tle in every house where some­one had become Mus­lim. When the Mus­lims emi­grat­ed to Mad­i­nah, and the Ansar sup­port­ed Islam, and the Mus­lims had ter­ri­to­ry which was under their con­trol, Jihad was insti­tut­ed by God Almighty. At first, per­mis­sion was giv­en to fight in self-defense :

To those against whom war is made, per­mis­sion is giv­en (to fight), because they are wronged ; … and ver­i­ly, God is most pow­er­ful for their aid. (Al-Hajj 22:39)[1]

Then the Mus­lims were giv­en per­mis­sion to fight in self-defense and in defense of their beliefs and principles :

Fight in the cause of God those who fight you, but do not trans­gress lim­its ; for God loveth not trans­gres­sors. (Al-Baqarah 2:190)

This was the sec­ond stage in the leg­is­la­tion of Jihad. In this respect, Jihad dif­fers from the oth­er wars of human his­to­ry. It is aimed at achiev­ing polit­i­cal and eco­nom­ic goals for cer­tain indi­vid­u­als or groups, who intend not high-hand­ed­ness or mis­chief on earth”[2]. The aims of Jihad, and the oblig­a­tions of truth, jus­tice and mer­cy on which it is con­di­tioned, dis­tin­guish it from all oth­er kinds of war. Accord­ing to the Qur’an :

Those who believe fight in the cause of God, and those who reject Faith fight in the cause of evil.” (Al Nisa 4:76)

And the Prophet(P) is report­ed as hav­ing said :

Fight in the name of God and in the way of God. Go on mil­i­tary expe­di­tions but do not plun­der. Do not break your pledge, nor muti­late, nor kill children.”[3]

Then came the third stage in which the Mus­lims were ordered to fight the Mushrikun and to ini­ti­ate the fight­ing. This was to facil­i­tate the spread of Islam by remov­ing any obsta­cles placed in its path by the forces of Shirk (poly­the­ism or idol­a­try), and to give the Mus­lims the upper hand in the world. In this way, no one would be able to per­se­cute the believ­ers wher­ev­er they were or make them renounce their faith. This direc­tive may be clear­ly seen in the fol­low­ing vers­es of the Qur’an (ayat):

And fight them until there is no more tumult or oppres­sion, and there pre­vail jus­tice and faith in God alto­geth­er and every­where.” (Al-Anfal 8:39)

Fight­ing is pre­scribed for you, and ye dis­like it. But it is pos­si­ble that ye dis­like a thing which is good for you.” (Al-Baqarah 2:216)

Fight those who believe not in God nor the Last day, not hold that for­bid­den which hath been for­bid­den by God and His Apos­tle, nor acknowl­edge the reli­gion of truth (even if they are) of the peo­ple of the book, until they pay the jizyah with will­ing sub­mis­sion, and feel them­selves sub­dued.” (Al-Taw­bah 9:29)

Jihad is one of the most impor­tant reli­gious duties in Islam. It clar­i­fies the major aim which Mus­lims strive to achieve, name­ly the free­dom of all peo­ple in all parts of the world to embrace Islam, and the for­ma­tion of the polit­i­cal and mil­i­tary pow­er need­ed to sup­port this free­dom and to pro­tect the new Mus­lims. The spread of Islam at the indi­vid­ual lev­el can­not be achieved by force. Let there be no com­pul­sion in reli­gion” (2:256). But in order to pro­mul­gate Islam, con­sol­i­date it and pro­tect its adher­ents world­wide, Islam need­ed to be supe­ri­or to all oth­er inter­na­tion­al polit­i­cal and mil­i­tary forces, espe­cial­ly in the world where Islam appeared four­teen cen­turies ago.

The gov­ern­ments of that time pre­vent­ed their cit­i­zens from embrac­ing Islam. The Quraysh in Makkah per­se­cut­ed the Mus­lims and so also did the Per­sians and Byzan­tines on the bor­ders of the Ara­bi­an penin­su­la in Syr­ia and Egypt. The Islam­ic texts make it clear that the leg­is­la­tion of Jihad was no tem­po­rary mat­ter ; it is a per­ma­nent reli­gious duty, accord­ing to the hadith :

Jihad remains oblig­a­tory until the day of res­ur­rec­tion. One who died but did not fight in the way of God, nor did he express any desire (or deter­mi­na­tion) for Jihad, died the death of a hypocrite.[4]

The books of Fiqh devot­ed whole sec­tions to the var­i­ous laws reg­u­lat­ing Jihad, just as they did with salah, sawm, hajj, and zakah. Hence it is clear that this is a con­tin­u­ing oblig­a­tion on the Mus­lim Ummah, just like the oth­er oblig­a­tions and pillars.

Jihad unit­ed the var­i­ous groups with­in the Mus­lim Ummah and direct­ed their ener­gies towards con­fronting the ene­my. Wher­ev­er the Mus­lim forces went, they pro­claimed the call to free men from enslave­ment or wor­ship of any­thing oth­er than Allah, to regard all men as equal and respect man what­ev­er his col­or or race. Men’s hearts were pierced by this call to lofty prin­ci­ples, rather than by swords. This is the secret behind the spread of Islam and the vic­to­ry of its forces.

Some of those who have researched the Futuhat (lib­er­a­tion cam­paigns result­ing in the spread of Islam) have giv­en var­i­ous rea­sons for this rapid and suc­cess­ful expan­sion. Cae­tani and oth­er Ori­en­tal­ists have sug­gest­ed that the motives were eco­nom­ic, bas­ing this sug­ges­tion on the claim that the Ara­bi­an penin­su­la had under­gone cli­mat­ic changes, i.e., severe drought had caused waves of human migra­tion from the penin­su­la to the Fer­tile Cres­cent where peo­ple could find eco­nom­ic pros­per­i­ty, and that the Futuhat was just one of many such wars. An objec­tive study of the facts, how­ev­er, will reveal that there were no cli­mat­ic changes in the Ara­bi­an Penin­su­la just before Islam, nor was there any great upheaval in the eco­nom­ic con­di­tions. The Arab tribes did not move to the Fer­tile Cres­cent in such great num­bers until after the emer­gence of Islam when they were unit­ed under its flag and were eager to real­ize its principles.

From study­ing the let­ters which were exchanged between the Khal­i­fahs and the lead­ers of the Futuhat, and also oth­er reports of the Futuhat, we can see the extent to which belief and ide­ol­o­gy con­trolled the sol­diers and pro­duced the strict dis­ci­pline in their ranks. The spir­it which dom­i­nat­ed the lead­ers and most of the army from the noblest prin­ci­ples and the desire to guide mankind aright, although booty was the incen­tive for some of the sol­diers, increased the num­ber of par­tic­i­pants espe­cial­ly among the Bedouin. Nonethe­less, any expla­na­tion of the Futuhat and of the gen­er­al spir­it, which dom­i­nat­ed the think­ing of the lead­ers who planned the con­quests, should not be great­ly influ­enced by the indi­vid­ual atti­tudes of some of the Bedouin fight­ers. Undoubt­ed­ly the lead­er­ship was eager and con­scious of their respon­si­bil­i­ty and this took prece­dence over acquir­ing booty.

The Mus­lim lib­er­a­tors reduced the tax­es due from the inhab­i­tants of the lib­er­at­ed lands, did not take per­son­al pos­ses­sions, and pre­served the exist­ing eco­nom­ic struc­ture. Their atti­tude was gov­erned by a con­struc­tive spir­it of guidance.

There is anoth­er expla­na­tion for the expan­sion of Islam which is based on polit­i­cal fac­tors. The Prophet(P) and the Khu­lafa al-Rashideen were con­cerned with stop­ping the rid­dah (apos­tate) move­ment and thwart­ing any attempts it might make to divide the Mus­lim Ummah. Their con­cern caused them to divert ener­gies, which might oth­er­wise have caused trou­bles and dis­cord, toward the spread­ing of Islam, and led to inter­nal uni­ty in the ranks of the Ummah. Although this expla­na­tion high­lights a pos­i­tive aspect, and reveals some of the wis­dom behind the leg­is­la­tion of Jihad, it does not ful­ly explain the impe­tus for the expan­sion of Islam. Most of the trou­bles and dis­cord were caused by the apos­tate mur­tadd Bedouin dur­ing the Khi­lafah of Abu Bakr al Sid­diq. After he had brought them under the con­trol of the state, he for­bade them to par­tic­i­pate in mil­i­tary cam­paigns and stripped them of their weapons as a pun­ish­ment. This was because he could not be sure of their loy­al­ty, and because their atti­tudes and behav­ior did not bear the char­ac­ter­is­tics of the com­plete Islam­ic per­son­al­i­ty, and hence would not present a true pic­ture of Islam to the inhab­i­tants of the lib­er­at­ed lands. Abu Bakr relied on the inhab­i­tants of the cities (Mad­i­nah, Makkah, and Taif) where the prin­ci­ples and edu­ca­tion­al effects of Islam­ic faith were well-estab­lished, to pro­vide the army, and all the lead­ers were from among the Sahabah (com­pan­ions of the Prophet).

A third expla­na­tion for the Futuhat attempts to jus­ti­fy them by say­ing that they were defen­sive in nature, and that they used attack as a means of defend­ing the Islam­ic state from its pow­er­ful ene­mies. This expla­na­tion is giv­en by the major­i­ty of Arab and Mus­lim his­to­ri­ans. In doing so, they are yield­ing to con­cepts which dom­i­nate the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry, the ide­olo­gies that are affect­ed by man’s hatred of war and its evil effects in destroy­ing civ­i­liza­tions, the maim­ing and killing of peo­ple, and the cre­ation of refugees. They are affect­ed by the emer­gence of inter­na­tion­al orga­ni­za­tions which are con­cerned with rec­on­cil­ing the con­flict­ing inter­ests of nations ; help­ing to estab­lish inter­na­tion­al peace, and replac­ing wars with nego­ti­a­tions in order to solve inter­na­tion­al problems.

The spir­it of the age has led many writ­ers on the Futuhat to adopt an apolo­getic stance aimed at rec­on­cil­ing the spir­it of the mod­ern age with the con­cept of Jihad in Islam. Such con­tri­tion can be attrib­uted to a num­ber of inter­re­lat­ed psy­cho­log­i­cal and intel­lec­tu­al fac­tors, includ­ing the dom­i­nance of West­ern con­cepts among the major­i­ty of edu­cat­ed Mus­lims. This dom­i­nance is due to the intel­lec­tu­al inva­sion, which pro­duced feel­ings of infe­ri­or­i­ty vis-?-vis, the West and led to the attempts to jus­ti­fy every­thing which con­flicts with the spir­it of West­ern civ­i­liza­tion and its intel­lec­tu­al and psy­cho­log­i­cal con­cepts. Anoth­er of these fac­tors is the inabil­i­ty to under­stand the real­i­ty of Jihad and its aims. Mus­lims do not clear­ly under­stand that Jihad is not aimed at forc­ing Islam­ic belief on any­one but is aimed at remov­ing the obsta­cles which pre­vent the spread of Islam, either by weak­en­ing or destroy­ing the pre­vail­ing polit­i­cal pow­ers, so that the Mus­lims can (by gain­ing the upper hand) pre­vent any­one from per­se­cut­ing Mus­lims wher­ev­er they may be.

The con­nec­tion between Jihad and forc­ing belief on peo­ple was first made in Ori­en­tal­ist stud­ies which are filled with pro­pa­gan­da and dis­tor­tions of the facts. This con­nec­tion must be bro­ken in order to present a true pic­ture. The Qur’an makes it clear, beyond any shad­ow of a doubt, that peo­ple are free either to choose Islam or to remain Chris­tians and Jews, even with­in the Islam­ic soci­ety or in the ter­ri­to­ries ruled by the Islam­ic state. This is proved by the verse of the Qur’an and by authen­tic his­tor­i­cal events. The sub­ject nations wel­comed the free­dom from Byzan­tine and Per­sian dom­i­nance which Islam brought to them. The Copts in Egypt and the Jaco­bites in Syr­ia expressed their joy at the reli­gious free­dom which Islam pro­claimed. If this announce­ment of reli­gious free­dom had not been sin­cere, then all the reli­gious minori­ties would have been absorbed by the Mus­lim soci­ety and they would not have sur­vived, as they have until the present day, despite the pass­ing of 14 cen­turies since the emer­gence of Islam.

Describ­ing the Futuhat as defen­sive is an apolo­getic attempt which does not stand up to seri­ous argu­ment. Did the peo­ple of Andalu­sia or Tran­sox­i­ana cross the Mus­lims’ bor­ders in order to con­quer them ? Did secur­ing the bor­ders neces­si­tate the Mus­lims’ pen­e­trat­ing deeply into three con­ti­nents, Asia, Europe and Africa, where dan­ger­ous events and deci­sive bat­tles took place far from the Ara­bi­an Penin­su­la, such as the bat­tle of Tours at Poitiers in the south of France, the con­quest of Crete and south­ern Italy, the bat­tle of Tiraz on the Talas riv­er in Tran­sox­i­ana, and final­ly the siege of Vienna ?

The true expla­na­tion of the Futuhat is that they applied their reli­gious duty which is Jihad, and which the Prophet (P) described as the pin­na­cle of Islam.

The Begin­ning of Jihad

The first actions of Jihad were the cam­paigns ghaz­a­wat and small­er expe­di­tions saraya direct­ed against places to the West of Mad­i­nah. These had three aims :

1. To threat­en Quraysh’s trade routes to Syr­ia, a seri­ous blow to the mer­can­tile econ­o­my of Makkah.

2. To make peace treaties and agree­ments with the oth­er tribes who lived in the area, in order to guar­an­tee their sup­port or at least their neu­tral­i­ty in the con­flict between the Mus­lims and Quraysh. This plan was impor­tant, and its accom­plish­ment was a suc­cess for the Mus­lims, because orig­i­nal­ly these tribes had tend­ed to favor the Quraysh, as there were his­tor­i­cal alliances between them, which the Qur’an describes as ilaf or covenants (of secu­ri­ty and safe­guard)” (Qur’an 106:1) and through which the Quraysh sought to secure their trade with Syr­ia and the Yaman. These tribes had a real inter­est in the Quraysh as the cus­to­di­ans of the Ka’bah, to which all the Arabs per­formed pil­grim­age in order to wor­ship the idols which sur­round­ed it. The tribes and the Quraysh shared com­mon beliefs and joined togeth­er to oppose Islam. Undoubt­ed­ly, the fact that the Mus­lims were able to make treaties with these tribes and ensure their neu­tral­i­ty dur­ing the con­flict was a great vic­to­ry for them at that stage.

3. To demon­strate the pow­er of the Mus­lims in Mad­i­nah to the Jews and the Mushrikun. Mus­lim dom­i­nance was no longer con­fined to Mad­i­nah ; the Mus­lims were now begin­ning to estab­lish con­trol over the sur­round­ing areas and tribes and influ­ence their inter­ests and relations.

The first expe­di­tion ghazwah was Ghazwat al Abwa[5], which is also known as Ghazwat Wud­dan.

These are two adjoin­ing sites, six or sev­en miles apart. Al Abwa is approx­i­mate­ly 14 miles from Mad­i­nah. There was no bat­tle dur­ing this ghazwah, but the peace treaty with Banu Dam­rah (from Kinanah) was con­clud­ed. This ghazwah took place on 12 Safar in the sec­ond year of the Hijrah. Accord­ing to al Mada’ini’s report[6] the army stayed out­side Mad­i­nah until Rabi’al Aww­al before they returned[7].

Urwah ibn al-Zubayr men­tions that the Prophet sent a sariyah out from al Abwa, con­sist­ing of 60 men under the lead­er­ship of Ubay­dah ibn al Harith[8]. Ibn Ishaq men­tions that the sariyah was sent to Sayf al-Bahr after the return to Mad­i­nah, and that anoth­er sariyah, con­sist­ing of 30 men under the lead­er­ship of Hamzah ibn Abd al-Mut­tal­ib, also went to Sayf al-Bahr at that time, in order to inter­cept a Quraysh car­a­van. But the two sariyah did not engage the Quraysh in bat­tle, because, in the case of Hamza­h’s sariyah, the tribes who had peace treaties with both sides pre­vent­ed any fight­ing, and in the case of Ubay­dah’s sariyah there was only an exchange of arrows between the Mus­lims and the Quraysh[9].

Undoubt­ed­ly the two sariyah were aimed, in the first instance, at threat­en­ing the trade of the Quraysh. This was the first warn­ing to the Quraysh that their trade would be in dan­ger unless they changed their obsti­nate atti­tude towards Islam. In Rabi’ al-Thani, the Mus­lims con­tin­ued their cam­paign against the trade routes. Ghazwat Buwat took place in Rid­wa, near Yan­bu, with two hun­dred fight­ers who went to inter­cept a Quraysh trade car­a­van. Then Ghazwat al-Ashirah (in Yan­bu) took place in Juma­da al-Ula. There was no fight­ing in Rid­wa and al-Ashirah but a peace treaty was con­clud­ed with Banu Mud­laj in al-Ashirah[10] in Juma­da al-Akhirah.

Imme­di­ate­ly after al-Ashirah, Karaz ibn Jabir al-Fahri came to the out­skirts of Mad­i­nah and stole camels and cat­tle. The Prophet (P) pur­sued him as far as Safwan in the vicin­i­ty of Badr ; hence this was called the first Ghazwah of Badr. Karaz man­aged to escape from his pursuers[11] but this event con­vinced the Mus­lims of the neces­si­ty of secur­ing their rela­tions with the neigh­bor­ing tribes, so the expe­di­tions con­tin­ued. The Mus­lims did not lim­it them­selves to inter­cept­ing Quraysh’s trade with Syr­ia ; they also inter­cept­ed their trade route with the Yaman. The sariyah of Abd Allah ibn Jahsh, with eight Muha­jirun, was sent to Nakhlah, south of Makkah, at the end of Rajab, sole­ly to find out and assess the lat­est news about the Quraysh. But they inter­cept­ed a Quraysh trade car­a­van, seized it, killed its leader, took two of its men pris­on­er and took it back to Madinah[12].

Because this event occurred dur­ing the sacred month, the Mushrikun caused a great out­cry insist­ing that the Mus­lims had vio­lat­ed the sanc­ti­ty of the sacred month. The event had a seri­ous impact on both city dwellers and desert nomads, because it broke a tra­di­tion which had long been estab­lished in the Ara­bi­an Penin­su­la well before Islam. In fact, Abd Allah ibn Jahsh was aware of the seri­ous­ness of this vio­la­tion and had tak­en the deci­sion to fight after con­sult­ing with his com­pan­ions. When he returned to Mad­i­nah, he want­ed to hand over the booty, but the Prophet(P) refused to accept it, saying :

I did not order you to fight dur­ing the sacred month. Quraysh has spread the pro­pa­gan­da that Muham­mad and his com­pan­ions have vio­lat­ed the sacred month, spilt blood, seized wealth and tak­en men pris­on­er dur­ing this month.”

Some vers­es of the Qur’an were revealed which clar­i­fied the sound­ness of the Mus­lims’ posi­tion. The Prophet thus took the booty and ran­somed the two pris­on­ers to Quraysh. The vers­es were :

They ask thee con­cern­ing fight­ing in the pro­hib­it­ed month. Say : fight­ing there­in is a grave offence ; but graver is it in the sight of God to pre­vent access to the path of God, to deny Him, to pre­vent access to the sacred Mosque, and dri­ve out its mem­bers. Tumult and oppres­sion are worse than slaugh­ter. (Al Baqarah 2:217)

Thus the verse clear­ly stat­ed that the Quraysh’s actions in oppress­ing the Mus­lims and dri­ving them out of Makkah were worse than the Mus­lims’ fight­ing dur­ing the sacred month[13] although the first part of the verse con­firms the sanc­ti­ty of the sacred month.” Why, then, did the Quraysh not adhere to tra­di­tion­al val­ues in their deal­ings with the Mus­lims in order to jus­ti­fy their claims to being the guardians of tra­di­tions and sacred things ?

Some doubt­ful indi­vid­u­als may mis­tak­en­ly think that the Mus­lims’ inter­cep­tion of the Mushrikun’s car­a­vans was the action of ban­dits. The response to these doubts is that the Mus­lims were in a state of war with the Quraysh, and their attempts to weak­en the Quraysh, both in eco­nom­ic and human terms, were a neces­si­ty of this state of war. Anoth­er rea­son was the fact that the Quraysh had seized the Mus­lims’ wealth when they had emi­grat­ed from Makkah. Even in mod­ern times, it is allowed to strike at the human and eco­nom­ic resources of the ene­my in time of war.

Ref­er­ences

[1] For sabab al-nuzul, see Ahmad ibn Han­bal, al-Mus­nad 7122. See also Ibn al-Qayy­im, Zad al-Ma’ad, 258.

[2] See Qur’an, al-Qasas 28:83.

[3] Hadith nar­rat­ed by Mus­lim in his Sahih, 3/​1357

[4] Mus­lim, Ibn al-Haj­jaj, al-Sahih, 3/​1517

[5] It was men­tioned in Sahih al Bukhari, in a Hadith from Zayd ibn Arqam, that the first ghazwah was al Ashirah. Al-Hafiz ibn Hajar rec­on­ciled this report with that of Ibn Ishaq by explain­ing that Zayd ibn Arqam meant that the first ghazwah in which he took part with the Prophet (SAAS) was al Ashirah. Al Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, 3246.

[6] Khal­i­fah ibn Khayy­at al Usfur, al Tarikh, 56

[7] Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, Fath al-Bari, 7279. Khal­i­fah, al-Tarikh, 56, from a report of Ibn Ishaq, with­out isnad.

[8] Ibn Hajar, Fath al-Bari, 7279

[9] Khal­i­fah, al-Tarikh, 61 – 62. Abu Muham­mad Abd al Malik Ibn Hisham al-Him­yari, al-Sir­ah al-Nabawiyyah, 1÷5912, from a report of Ibn Ishaq with­out isnad. Al Umawi, Mag­hazi, also with­out isnad, as men­tioned in Fath al-Bari, 76279

[10] Khal­i­fah al Tarikh, 57, trans­mit­ted through Ibn Ishaq with­out isnad.

[11] ibid.

[12] ibid., 63, from a mur­sal report of Urwah with a hasan isnad.

[13] Ibn Hisham, al-Sira, 1÷5960, from the mur­sal aha­dith of Urwah. Al-Bay­haqi Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn al-Husayn ibn Ali, al-Sunan al-Kubra, 912, 58 – 9, with a sahih isnad going back to Urwah. There are oth­er sim­i­lar reports in al-Tabarani, with hasan or oth­er isnads. See al-Isabah 2278 ; Ibn Kathir, 3251 ; and al Haytha­mi, Maj­ma’ at Zawa’id, 6÷667. When all the chains of nar­ra­tors are tak­en into account, the hadith becomes sahih li ghayri­hi.Endmark


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